3. Subscribers and Funding

Subscribers

When it came to covering the cost of publishing expensive books, subscription had become an important feature. John Ogilby, one of the pioneers of subscription in the English publishing business of the 17th century, financed the printing of elaborate editions of classical works with an entirely new and innovative method: subscription.

To illustrate the works of Virgil (1654) and Homer (1660) for example, he had full-page engravings executed by well-known artists and engravers. Wealthy potential customers, usually of the landed gentry, would then be approached as possible patrons who would then pay to have their name, rank and coat of arms at the lower edge of each engraving, thus demonstrating their love of art (at a cost of 12 pounds for 3 books, paid in three instalments); or as subscribers who paid 40s in advance and 40s when each book was completed. In this way, Ogilby was not only able to pay the high production costs, but also to satisfy the vanity of these subscribers. Subscribers who brought in five new customers even received an extra book free.
Richard Blome[1] was another of the first to use the method of recruiting subscribers for his atlases: by offering the inclusion of their coats of arms on the relevant county map to help finance the publication of his atlas of 1673. Between 1668 and 1679 he had a shop in London, where he sold his books. To finance his publications, he recruited subscribers who paid part of the amount in advance and the rest after delivery. In return, their coat of arms was placed on the maps and they also received a commendable comment in the text. For later editions, one could renew the subscription, or, the person's coat of arms was removed.
Blome´s map of Devon Shire published in Britannia: or, A Geographical Description of the Kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland was dedicated to the Rt Honble John Earle of Bath (1673). The county map in Speed´s Maps Epitomiz´d (1681) was first published with a dedication to Sr William Courtenay but this was erased for all subsequent issues after the second printing of 1685.[2]
Joel Gascoyne of Hull completed his large map of Cornwall in 1699 and was planning to survey a map of Devon but a lack of subscribers put paid to his plans. When Benjamin Donn published his ground-breaking map of Devon in 1765, he already had the support of over 400 subscribers with one, Mr Baring Esq, promising to take 100 copies. In return, his map proudly displayed the arms of that illustrious person and of Matthew Lee (Fig. 7).
One of the books that Thomas Moore borrowed for his research, and which was shown in the title vignette to his work, was John Prince´s The Worthies of Devon. Originally published in 1701, a further edition was published in 1810 by Edward Upham, Exeter and Longman and Hurst, Rees and Orme, London, printed for Rees and Curtis, Plymouth. This latter was funded by subscription, with a list of some 480 subscribers included after the list of contents, many of them ordering the Royal paper version.

 

Fig. 7. Dedication to John Baring and Matthew Lee on Donn´s map of Devon.

 

Serial publication

Both Jennings and Fisher chose to exploit a combination of subscription and serial publication to reduce running costs and increase overall profit. Serial publication was not new, e.g. in the 1750s Benjamin Martin conceived of an encyclopaedia style work in several parts which would eventually stretch to five full volumes. Sold as monthly parts, subscribers would have the parts issues bound at frequent intervals as each complete Volume of the work was completed, or the end of a particular year, hence there are many examples of parts of this work bound with different contents depending on when the owner/subscriber took it to be bound.

Very few of the original bindings were kept and most volumes found have the title of the complete work – also characteristic of the Devon publications. Despite Fisher´s 36 issues and Jennings´s 50 (or more), surprisingly few of the paper covers in which these works were sold have been discovered and the latter work is found bound with varying numbers of pages.

 

Patrons

The expense of commissioning an illustrator, in addition to an engraver, and of the printing itself - which was rarely done in the same printing shop as the letterpress printing and required different equipment and expertise - demanded money upfront. Additionally, it was often the paper which caused most expense: Ogilby had obtained royal grants to tax-free paper to aid his publications.

As a consequence, most publishers found it difficult to fund such large profusely illustrated works such as atlases or books with copious views or plates. Authors, particularly those without a personal income or a wealthy patron, could seldom afford to publish their own illustrated books. In some cases, a wealthy patron could fund the project outright, as with Linnaeus's Hortus Cliffortianus of 1738, which was financed by George Clifford, and which celebrated his garden at Hartekamp (Fig. 8).[3] Clifford is reputedly portrayed on the frontispiece of that book which shows both a banana plant from his garden and a plan of the gardens in the foreground.

Both Fisher and Jennings followed in the footsteps of these notable predecessors.

 

Fig. 8. Frontispiece to Linnaeus's Hortus Cliffortianus 

 

Hugh Fortescue as Patron

While Fisher seems to have discounted the possibility of a major sponsor (none of his publications are dedicated in this way), Jennings and his author, the Rev. Thomas Moore, apparently found a wealthy landlord who would support their enterprise. Exactly how lucrative this support was, we do not know, but given the course of publication, it would not appear to have been substantial.

Hugh Fortescue (1753-1841) was created 1st Earl Fortescue in 1789. He was an M.P. for two years (for Beaumaris in 1784-85) and Baron Fortescue from 1785, Lord Lieutenant of Devon (1788-1839), and Vice-Admiral of Devon (1831-39). He married Hester Grenville in 1782, a daughter of the later Prime Minister, George Grenville. Two of his daughters married local nobility: Lady Elizabeth Fortescue married William Courtenay (of Powderham Castle) the 11th Earl of Devon; Lady Catherine Fortescue later married the Hon. Newton Fellowes of Eggesford House.

The 2nd Earl Fortescue, Hugh Fortescue KG, PC (13 February 1783 – 14 September 1861), and Viscount Ebrington from 1789 to 1841, was a Whig politician who served as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland from 1839 to 1841. As Viscount Ebrington he became MP for Barnstaple just after his 21st birthday; and sat for various constituencies until 1839.

 

 

Fig. 9. The Fortescue coat of arms.

 

The family’s armorial arms on the covers of the serial parts as well as their inclusion on the title page indicated more than the usual amount of support for this large project. The cover proudly pronounces Dedicated by Permission to the Right Honourable Earl Fortescue, Lord Lieutenant of the County (Fig. 9). The country seat was Castle Hill at Filleigh near South Molton and it was remodelled by Roger Morris in 1728/29 in the so-called “Palladium” style of architecture and is depicted in Moore´s History (and also illustrated in Fisher´s volume with dedication). Perhaps Moore had, to some extent, found his own George Clifford.

Fortescue played a prominent role in the electoral reform of 1832 and establishing Whig party organisation under the new electoral system.[4] His arms adorn all known covers of the quarto and octavo Parts to Moore’s work. Unfortunately, a severe fire destroyed much of the ancestral home in 1934 and correspondence was lost which might have established whether it was an approach by Jennings or an acquaintanceship with Moore that led to this dedication.[5]

For Fortescue this was not the first time a book had been dedicated to him: the 1810 edition of Prince´s Worthies was inscribed to "The Right Hon. Hugh, Earl Fortescue, Viscount Ebrington and Baron Fortescue of Castle Hill, Lord-Lieutenant and Custos Rotulorum of the County of Devon", whose "ancestors claim a distinguished place" in the work. 

The search for Subscribers

Robert Jennings, as well as Henry Fisher had to fund a work encompassing 94 high quality steel engravings and the letterpress to accompany it. Both publishers would have advertised to attract members of the affluent public to become subscribers to the monthly work. Despite the large number of stately homes, politically Devon in the 1820s was more or less controlled by only a handful of families, but it would be with the help and support of these that the publishers would hope to supplement the revenue, either by buying multiple copies, or by purchasing specially printed off views of their stately homes.
The total number of dedications to illustrated plates in both works combined amounts to 56, with Moore dedicating 27 of his plates (see Appendix VIIa), and Fisher 29 (see Appendix VIIb).[6] Hugh Fortescue, Moore´s patron, has a dedication in each work and (ignoring the Guildhall bearing a dedication in both tomes) some 11 public figures have a plate dedicated to them in each book. Among their residences are Watermouth (Fig. 10), Kitley House, Bicton House and Saltram House. Appendix VIIc shows those plates with a dedication or mention by both publishers.

 

Fig. 10. Watermouth dedicated to Davie Bassett Esq. by Jennings (detail).

Notable subscribers

Among the list of wealthy subscribers, i.e. notable persons who might be inclined to order multiple copies or pay for extra prints, two names in the list stand out because they both have two plates dedicated to them; Baron Rolle and Earl Morley (Fig. 11). John Rolle, 1st Baron Rolle (1750-1842) was a colourful character by all accounts.

The family had a long history of childless marriages and he himself would die without issue. Rolle was elected MP for Devon in 1780 unopposed (the last contested election had been in 1712). He would remain MP until 1796 alongside John Parker (1780-84) and John Pollexfen Bastard (1784-1816). He campaigned, not surprisingly, against electoral reform but supported the abolition of slavery, bestowing significant amounts of land in Exuma (Cays in the Bahamas) to the slaves. He notably stumbled before Victoria’s coronation throne[7] but is notable for his business projects in Devon and the forming of the Devon Yeomanry.

Bicton House, Rolle´s residence (now an agricultural college), was built around the turn of the 19th century and is presented by both publishers with suitable dedication. Rolle Canal, with dedication to Lord Rolle in one of Fisher’s plates, was built to bring limestone from Wales to Rolle’s lands near Great Torrington where it would be burnt with coal to produce fertiliser while a local resource, Marland Clay, could be exported out of Bideford. The parliamentary approval for this was not passed until 1835. Originally titled Torridge Canal and Rolle Aqueduct, Near Torrington, Devon, the print was amended at some later date to read Rolle Canal etc.

A second family residence, Stevenstone, was nearby. The original 16th century residence here was reputed to be the first brick building in the county. The house no longer survives. This is shown in Moore´s work, also with a dedication.

 

 

Fig. 11. Lary Bridge dedicated to Earl of Morley by Fisher (detail).

 

John Parker (1772-1840) became 2nd Baron Boringdon (of North Molton) in 1788 and took his seat in the House of Lords in 1793, on the occasion of his 21^st birthday. Educated locally, he supported local works and charities although not all of his industrial and engineering projects for the area were as successful as the Laira Bridge. He became Earl Morley in 1840 (a newly created title). He was a supporter of parliamentary reform. His main residence, Saltram House, a Georgian house designed by Robert Adam, is very much today as it would have been when it was renovated around 1768.

Modifications were carried out in 1819 and a new entrance porch (and a library) were introduced by the regency architect, John Foulston. It is this entrance which is the centre of attention in Campion’s drawing for Moore but is even more impressive seen at a slight angle as in Allom’s portrayal for Fisher (compare Moore Plate 42 and Fisher Plate 26).

The Duchess of Clarence, later Queen Adelaide, opened the Laira Bridge on July 14^th 1827. It had taken just over two years to build the foundation stone being laid by Earl Morley on March 16^th 1825. His father had originally shelved plans for a bridge (c.1807) but in 1822 James Rendel’s proposals were accepted by Earl Morley and he pushed for the necessary parliamentary approval.[8]

You did not have to be an aristocrat to have a print dedicated to you. Located near the shore of the inlet of the same name near Ilfracombe, Watermouth was the residence of the Bassett family, designed by George Wightwick in the mid-19^th century. The original Palladium style residence was seen by the Rev. John Swete[9], but it was subsequently replaced by the “castle” like structure we see today[10]. The castle was built in 1825 by Joseph Davie Bassett (1764-1846) and at the time of publication, was one of the newest residences portrayed.

The only other non-peer on the list is Edmund Bastard, Esq. This family had a tradition of passing public office from one to the other. Edmund Pollexfen Bastard (1784-1838) took over the mantle of MP for Dartmouth from his father (1812 to 1816) and handed it over to his brother John (a captain in the navy, he served in the Napoleonic wars before becoming an MP). Edmund then became MP for Devon, a post he held until 1830. This post was always held by two incumbents: his predecessor was John Pollexfen Bastard (his uncle) and when he retired, he was succeeded by The Viscount Ebrington (i.e. Earl Fortescue). His companion in office was Sir Thomas Dyke Acland (1816 to then the same Viscount Ebrington (1818-20), before Sir Thomas Acland became MP again. He was also High Sheriff of Devon in 1834. Their country house, Kitley House, near Plymouth, is today a luxury hotel and wedding venue (2024). Possibly built in the reign of Henry VII the largely Tudor house had major improvements made in 1820 under the guidance of George Stanley Repton and modernised in the Georgian style.

 

Private and Public buildings

The inclusion of the country residences of persons of note would obviously help to sell a publication and to this aim Henry Fisher was keen to include buildings that had been modernised. As M’Kenzie-Hall points out, Fisher actively encouraged his artists to draw “more modern Public Buildings etc. That is our chief aim – in fact Improvements”.[11] Only Plymouth and Exeter offered enough scope for Public Buildings, but the recently renovated country seats (such as Kitley House) and the industrial improvements such as canals and bridges offered Improvements on a large scale. It may have been chance but one of the first views in Devon Illustrated is that of the Town-Hall, Column & Library of Devonport. The choice would have delighted Henry Fisher. The town hall was completed in 1822 and styled on the Parthenon at Athens by John Foulston who had already designed the Athenaeum (completed 1819) in Plymouth. The column takes pride of place in the centre, signifying the newly won independence and change of name from Plymouth-Dock to Devonport.

On the right of Allom´s drawing of Devonport, engraved by Tombleson, is the new library in the Egyptian style of architecture. Originally planned to be a School for Mathematics and the combined work of Foulston and the engineer, Mr Rickard, it was converted to Devonport Library. Wedged between Library and column is the Mount Zion Chapel, “after the Hindoo style” as Rowe reported. The whole plaza had been designed to mark Devonport’s independence (Fig. 12).[12]

 

 

Fig. 12. Town-Hall, Column & Library of Devonport in Devon Illustrated (detail).

 

 

While it is possible that Robert Jennings found a patron to subsidise some of the cost of production, both he and Henry Fisher utilised the subscription system and both found supporters to whom they dedicated illustrations. In this respect, the Fishers seem to have come up with a strategy to maximise their sale of prints.

George Petrie engraved a considerable number of views of Ireland to be included in Ireland Illustrated (he was one of three engravers employed on that work), a serial publication that was issued just before Devonshire and Cornwall Illustrated. From correspondence between Henry Fisher and Petrie in 1828[13] (i.e., about the time that D & C Illustrated would have been in the planning stage) it would take approximately 5000 impressions of each number to pay the current expenses of each number. If the figures are correct, both enterprises (Jennings and Fisher) would have to find a minimum of 5000 regular buyers of the parts issue, or supplement this sales revenue with other sources of income.

 Robert Fisher, seems to have handled the logistics side and, from correspondence between Robert Fisher and George Petrie, it is clear that Fisher’s artists were urged to include retail premises in street views with the names of the proprietors. Fisher tells Petrie:

In street views, where practicable, give the names distinctly, over various shops - it interests the parties in the work. A detailed list of these to be made fully out, for the Publishers and Editors inspection and mutual communication with each other. [14]

In the plate depicting Truro in Devon and Cornwall Illustrated three such premises are shown (Fig. 13). F J Havill has expressly included the various retail premises. Presumably an agent for Fisher would later approach these proprietors to purchase plates on better quality paper, adding to the total revenues. However, although John Cock has his Plumber and Brazier business (left), J Stevens is running the Lion Hotel, and the Courtenay Waterloo House with Mercer and Draper (right) are clearly shown, this print would be difficult to sell. Few plates in the Devon section offered any scope for further revenue in this way: in the illustration of the entrance to the Dock Yard (Devonport) Elliot’s Royal Hotel is prominently displayed (Fisher 66); the York Hotel in Sidmouth and of course Cockram’s Hotel are mentioned in the title to a view of Sidmouth (Fisher 8) and one Teignmouth view (Fisher 51) respectively and  would probably bring in a little extra revenue through sales of the print (India Proof), as would, of course, views of stately homes. 

 

 

Fig. 13. Truro in Cornwall Illustrated. Note retail merchants.

 

Fisher further says that these hints 'have been suggested to us for our Lancashire Work' and that they will equally suit Dublin. Briggs recorded that the Longman company calculated the cost of paper before that of the printing and the illustrating when projecting the costs of their projects.[15] At the time an artist was typically paid £10-12 per drawing and the engravers received approx. £20.[16]

It is difficult to determine how useful the inclusion of dedications was to supplementing the sales revenues for Fisher and Moore. We know from correspondence between Fisher’s representative in Plymouth, John Gibson, and Sir Trayton Elliott Drake of Buckland Abbey dated August 23 1830 that even wealthy landowners were expected to pay for extra copies of the plates.[17] In the exchange of letters it is clear Drake is a subscriber to the parts issue and he writes that he has just received Issue 12 and he is surprised that Buckland Abbey is not included. Gibson replies that the artist (Thomas Allom) will use a sketch he had previously made. Gibson, after some comments about Nutwell Court (also his property which never appeared, Fig. 14) goes on to offer Drake 4to ‘India proofs … may be obtained at 2/- each plate by application to Mr Gibson’. The owners of recently built, or recently improved, residences would presumably be pleased to purchase multiple copies and have some framed for personal use, or even to present to family and friends.

 

 

Fig. 14. Nutwell Court after rebuilding in 1799 was rejected.[18]

 

As Maxted[19] has pointed out, both publishers were probably hoping for patronage, but the presentation of stately homes also reflects the growing interest in country houses, which in many cases could be visited. Many of the families were prepared to entertain visitors if tickets were acquired in advance.

One property open to visitors was Mount Edgcumbe. Mrs. Mary Huss ran a stationery business in Plymouth after her husband died: to walk round and view Edgcumbe Park, it was necessary “for strangers to make application to Mrs. Huss, bookseller, Stonehouse, when a guide may be obtained for a party not exceeding six persons; but on Mondays free admission is given to the public, without more trouble than entering names at the lodge gate”.[20]

The story of Mrs Price, on holiday in Exmouth in 1805 who undertook a tour on 24 June of Mamhead, Oxton and Powderham but only in Oxton were they were graciously admitted by the Rev. Swete "to see the house and take some refreshment". In Mamhead they saw the family "very plainly through the windows … but were not permitted to enter". In Powderham they were refused admission by the housekeeper on the orders of Lord Courtenay. "We also saw his Lordship cross the yard, he came past the carriage, but he never turned his head to look at us".[21]

While Buckland Abbey, the subject of Gibson´s letter, was published in the final Part in August 1832, Nutwell Court, a second residence for the Drake family, was not included amongst Fisher´s views. This may be because it is not such an impressive building. Despite being described as an “exquisitely precise and austere neo-classical mansion”, it is rather ugly. It had been the home of Sir Francis Drake the 5th Baronet but had been so badly restored it was later demolished and the present building erected in 1799 by the Second Baron Heathfield. Apparently, Swete visited the property around the time it was being finished but described the owner as “equally defensive of his privacy as his uncle Sir Francis Drake, denying access to Nutwell and its grounds to neighbours and strangers alike”.

 

 

Fig. 15. Back cover of a Fisher Part with advert for a Drawing-room Scrap Book.

 Use the links here to go directly to desired pages:

1. Introduction.

2. Steel Engraving.

3. Subscribers and Funding.

4. The Authors.

5. The Printers and Publishers.

6. The Artists and Engravers.

7. The Maps and Mapmakers.

8. Publication History.

9. Collaboration or Coincidence.

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[1] SLC Clapp, ‘The subscription enterprises of John Ogilby and Richard Blome’, Modern Philology, 30 (1932–3) BL cat.

[2] See entries 14 and 17 in Batten & Bennett; The Printed Maps of Devon; 1996; Devon Books; Tiverton. Ogilby also utilised the lottery to fund the publication of some of his works. 

[3] See the very good overview of Subscriptions, Dedications, and Patrons at the website of Dumbarton Oaks Research Institute, Washington DC; doaks.org/resources. Illustration from Linnaeus, C. (1707-1778), Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons - wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/23/Linnaeus_Hortus_Cliffortianus_frontispiece. All rights reserved.

[4] See wikipedia.org/wiki/Hugh_Fortescue, 2nd_Earl_Fortescue.
[5] A quantity of family portraits, saved from this fire, were destroyed when the lorry they were in, subsequent to restoration, went up in flames.
[6] This includes the dedications to the Mayor etc. of Exeter (Guildhall, dedications from each author), Devonport Commissioners or House of Correction and these might well have pulled in multiple subscribers.
[7] Coronation of Queen Victoria by John Martin, 1839 — The painting depicts the accident of Lord Rolle falling on the steps of the Throne. Illustrated at Wikipedia.
[8] Brian Moseley’s website at www.oldplymouth.uk/Laira%20Bridge.
[9] The celebrated antiquary visited the house in 1796.
[10] Today (2024) this is a tourist attraction with Dungeon Labyrinth and a Gnome Land.
[11] James M‘Kenzie-Hall (1) who I thank for pointing out the significance of the Devonport print here described.
[12] See Devonshire Illustrated pp. 30-32. I am grateful to Mr M’Kenzie-Hall for drawing attention to the significance as far as Henry Fisher was concerned.
[13] James M‘Kenzie-Hall (1).
[14] MS. 791 no. 196, October 24, 1828. Correspondence between Robert Fisher and Petrie: see M´Kenzie-Hall (2011).
[15] Asa Briggs quoted in James M‘Kenzie-Hall (1).
[16] James M’Kenzie-Hall, (2011); page 6.
[17] Mr M’Kenzie-Hall kindly forwarded a copy of the letter in question in private correspondence.
[18] Photograph courtesy of (Lobsterthermidor (talk) 12:51, 19 November 2013 (UTC)), Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons.
[19] https://bookhistory.blogspot.com/2013/07/the-changing-view-of-devon-through.html#13
[20] White´s History of Devonshire; 1850.
[21] Maxted ibid. Quoting The journal of Mrs Price (Berkshire RO: R 11A/401).